Creeping menace
Jihadi fighters, previously active in Africa’s Sahel region, have moved to northwestern Nigeria from Benin, as reported by the Clingendael…
Jihadi fighters, previously active in Africa’s Sahel region, have moved to northwestern Nigeria from Benin, as reported by the Clingendael Institute think-tank. This shift marks a movement of militants towards wealthier West African coastal countries. These extremists, likely linked to al-Qaeda, have moved from Benin’s hard-hit northern region and settled in Nigeria’s Kainji Lake National Park, where other armed groups also operate. The park, home to one of West Africa’s fast-declining lion populations, has been closed for more than a year due to security threats from armed groups attacking neighbouring villages and roads, residents told The Associated Press.
As Arab-African countries adapt to a post-oil economy, they are curbing behaviours that once fostered extremism, making their region less hospitable to such groups. This is evident in reforms, hosting major sporting events, and developing new cities inspired by the United Arab Emirates’ success. This is why extremist groups are increasingly targeting West Africa, particularly impoverished and underdeveloped regions that offer vast tracts of land for setting up camps and exploiting vulnerable villagers through extortion and indoctrination. This trend is partly why jihadist movements incubated in the Middle East and North Africa have migrated to the volatile Sahel region. Four years ago, a ranger at W National Park in Northern Benin reported seeing a dozen heavily armed men on motorcycles. On 9 June 2020, these men, speaking broken Arabic and French, stopped to ask for directions and were identified as Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) fighters from Burkina Faso. They were lost on their way to Northwestern Nigeria to join the Ansaru, a local al-Qaeda affiliate. This incident occurred four months after a joint Nigerian security operation killed about 250 Ansaru fighters in Kaduna. The rising insurgency in Burkina Faso has since raised concerns in Benin and its northern borders. Now, Benin, Ghana, Ivory Coast, and Togo face international jihadist threats, with al-Qaeda affiliates and Islamic State factions vying for control in the Sahelian region. Four years after their initial sighting in W National Park, jihadists’ interests have expanded to illegal wildlife trading and the illegal trade of protected trees. The tri-border area where Benin, Burkina Faso, and Niger meet has become a highly contested territory, highlighting the lack of collaboration in border security among these states. Additionally, the inclusion of coastal states in Islamist groups’ areas of interest confirms the warning by the United States (US) Africa Command in September 2020 that these groups aim to gain a foothold in the Atlantic to control trade. For Nigeria, the warning could not be any starker. Despite security operations in the Northwest complicating life for jihadist groups and competition from economically minded armed groups, affiliates of the world’s two major Islamist groups continue battling for control in Nigeria. This highlights the failure of regional initiatives like the Multinational Joint Task Force and the G5 Sahel Group. The persistence of ungoverned spaces and the rapid loss of territory indicate that the insurgency is more severe than realised, and the Nigerian state is far from victory. To counter this infiltration, West African countries must focus on infrastructural development and minimising ungoverned spaces. A firm commitment to building infrastructure can create economic opportunities, improve living standards, and enhance security, making it harder for extremists to establish footholds. Investments in roads, schools, healthcare facilities, and communication networks can transform neglected areas into thriving communities less susceptible to extremist influence. Furthermore, a shift in governance is crucial. Overly centralised governments in West Africa tend to focus on capitals and commercial hubs, neglecting rural and remote areas that then become vulnerable to extremist activities. Decentralising governance and security structures and empowering local authorities can ensure a more equitable distribution of resources and better management of regional issues. This approach would help mitigate the factors that extremists exploit, such as poverty and lack of opportunity. Decentralised security structures can enhance the ability of local authorities to respond swiftly and effectively to threats.

