Sim returns

President Tinubu has ended Rivers State's emergency, allowing its officials to resume duties from 18 September after a six-month constitutional standoff.

President Bola Tinubu has lifted the state of emergency in Rivers State, declaring that Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu, and members of the House of Assembly will resume duties from 18 September 2025. The emergency was declared on 18 March 2025 amid a constitutional standoff that paralysed governance, with the legislature split between rival factions. Tinubu suspended elected officials, citing threats to law and order and vandalism of oil assets, a move that sparked widespread criticism. The Nigerian Bar Association and other groups had argued that the president lacked constitutional authority to suspend officials, while over 40 legal challenges were filed in court. In a statement on Wednesday, Tinubu acknowledged the controversy but said the intervention had restored order. “The emergency in Rivers State shall end with effect from midnight today,” he announced, urging cooperation between the executive and legislature to ensure stability and governance.

While elected officials have been reinstated, President Bola Tinubu’s termination of the six-month state of emergency in Rivers State doesn’t signal a return to normalcy. Instead, it marks the end of a period of constitutional overreach, which will have lasting consequences as the deeper political scars and institutional failures persist.

The federal government’s action treated the democratic mandate of elected officials as revocable, a clear violation of Nigeria’s constitutional framework. Although the 1999 Constitution permits a state of emergency to address public disorder, it does not grant the president the authority to suspend governors, their deputies, or legislative assemblies. This is more than a minor infraction; it undermines the fundamental principle of Nigerian federalism, which is designed to disperse power and protect pluralism. Tinubu's actions completely subverted this essential bargain.

The economic toll of the emergency has been significant. Rivers State, a cornerstone of Nigeria's oil economy, endured six months of paralysis. Projects stalled, contracts were frozen, and investor confidence plummeted. Business thrives on certainty, and the instability and political risk on display did considerable damage. Rebuilding this confidence will require more than rhetoric; it will demand transparent audits, expedited approvals, and consistent governance.

The political implications are equally stark. By unseating elected leaders under the pretext of maintaining "order," the executive has created a dangerous blueprint for future abuse of power. Such actions hollow out democratic legitimacy and can push citizens toward distrust and extra-legal solutions. This is a combustible situation for a country already grappling with issues like separatism and insurgency.

Even more concerning is the collective failure of Nigeria’s key democratic institutions. The Supreme Court delayed hearing the governors’ challenge, denying Rivers State a timely constitutional check. Meanwhile, the National Assembly abdicated its oversight responsibilities. This trio of executive overreach, legislative passivity, and judicial hesitation demonstrates how the three arms of government failed the Nigerian people. Such precedents of overreach become the starting point for future administrations, paving the way for further democratic erosion. This is how democracies gradually weaken and die.

So, what happens next? The Supreme Court must issue a clear ruling on the President's authority to suspend elected officials. The National Assembly needs to reclaim its oversight role by establishing clear safeguards around emergency powers. For Rivers State itself, a recovery plan is needed, one tied to genuine accountability rather than political patronage. Ultimately, Nigeria requires stronger rules, predictable processes, and institutions willing to defend its democratic foundations. While ending the emergency closes one chapter, the true crisis, the erosion of Nigeria’s democracy, remains unless these reforms are implemented.