Peace in shreds
Fresh clashes in North Kivu between M23 rebels and pro-government militias displace villagers, while ADF militants kill 34 in an Ituri church attack.
In North Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo, fresh fighting erupted despite a recent peace accord between Kinshasa and the M23 rebels. M23 clashed with pro‑government Wazalendo militias (NDC‑Renové) in Masisi and Walikale, displacing numerous villagers after seizing two villages. The dispute centres on conflicting interpretations of rebel withdrawal outlined in the Doha agreement. Elsewhere in eastern DRC, Islamic State‑aligned ADF rebels attacked a church in Ituri province, killing at least 34 worshippers and torching homes. Meanwhile, Ugandan forces claimed the capture of a militia stronghold in the DRC, highlighting cross‑border efforts to curb regional insurgency.
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is facing a dangerous and complex escalation of violence, rooted in two separate crises that are now intertwined. In the provinces of North and South Kivu, the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel group has launched a new offensive, while in Ituri province, the Islamic State-affiliated Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) carried out a horrific massacre. These events are not only grave violations of Congolese sovereignty and international humanitarian law but also flagrantly disregard the UN Security Council’s Resolution 2773, which demands an end to foreign support for M23 and its immediate withdrawal from occupied territories.
Renewed conflict in North Kivu has shattered the fragile peace achieved by a US-brokered deal between Kinshasa and Rwanda in June 2025. The agreement was meant to see Rwandan troops withdraw and M23 rebels pull back from strategic areas like Goma. However, the deal’s ambiguous terms led to its swift collapse. Kinshasa believed the withdrawal should be immediate and unconditional, while Rwanda and M23 insisted it was contingent on neutralising the Hutu FDLR militias, which they claim pose a threat to Rwanda’s security. This core disagreement, particularly over M23’s obligation to vacate Masisi and Goma, directly triggered the latest clashes.
On 22nd July, M23, reportedly backed by up to 4,000 Rwandan troops, attacked the Wazalendo militia in Masisi, citing Kinshasa’s failure to disarm the FDLR. Rwanda’s foreign ministry defended its actions as a “defensive posture” against border threats. Yet, credible sources indicate that Rwanda has between 3,000 and 6,000 troops deployed in the eastern DRC. This presence has enabled M23 to seize control of key urban centres and rural areas, while exacerbating civilian suffering. The group continues to fund its operations by controlling valuable resources, such as coltan mines that generate an estimated $800,000 monthly. The fighting has displaced over 500,000 people since January 2025, adding to a staggering national total of more than 7 million internally displaced people. The humanitarian toll includes extrajudicial killings, widespread sexual violence, forced child recruitment, and the destruction of homes, clinics, and schools.
The haste with which the peace deal was assembled meant its flaws were not unforeseen. Both the DRC and Rwanda had turned to the United States for help after M23 rapidly advanced in late 2024. At the time, the US, undergoing a foreign policy shift that prioritised access to rare earth minerals over long-term stability, sought a quick fix. However, the deal's first major sign of strain came when Kinshasa delayed ratifying the provision to integrate M23 rebels into government structures. The potential collapse of this agreement has created a power vacuum, which groups like the ADF are now exploiting.
This already volatile environment was made worse by a massacre carried out by the ADF on 28th July 2025 in Komanda, Ituri Province. Armed men affiliated with the Islamic State stormed a Catholic church during worship, killing 38 to 43 civilians, including women and children. They also burned homes and businesses and abducted an unknown number of villagers. This deliberate assault on a place of worship and defenceless civilians constitutes both a war crime and a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The ADF’s allegiance to ISIS does not absolve it of legal accountability under international law.
Initially formed in the 1990s as a coalition of anti-government factions in Uganda, the ADF relocated to the DRC’s porous borderlands after sustained pressure from Ugandan forces. In 2019, the group pledged allegiance to the Islamic State, gaining access to global jihadist networks and resources. While counterterrorism operations pushed them deeper into eastern Congo, the group now thrives on hit-and-run tactics, which the Congolese armed forces are ill-equipped to counter. The lack of cooperation between Congolese and Ugandan security forces has allowed this threat to persist, and M23 is already using this situation for propaganda, justifying its refusal to relinquish seized territories.
The international community's response to these escalating crises must go beyond symbolic condemnation. The Kinshasa-Rwanda agreement and the separate Doha Declaration of Principles, signed on 19th July, both have critical legal shortcomings. They fail to include all armed groups, such as the ADF and FDLR, and contain vague enforcement mechanisms, particularly regarding the timeline for M23’s withdrawal.
Addressing the deep and escalating crises in the Democratic Republic of Congo demands a comprehensive and coordinated international response, blending legal, diplomatic, and humanitarian actions. Mere condemnations are no longer sufficient.
First and foremost, the UN Security Council's Resolution 2773 must be fully implemented. This requires Rwanda to withdraw its troops immediately from Congolese territory and cease all support for the M23 rebel group. Non-compliance with this resolution should trigger targeted sanctions and legal consequences under international law.
Any future peace efforts must create inclusive frameworks to achieve lasting stability. All armed groups—including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and the FDLR—must be legally bound by ceasefire and demobilisation agreements. No actor can be exempt from the obligations of international humanitarian law. Independent and impartial oversight is also essential. The UN, African Union, and other regional bodies should deploy observers to monitor compliance, verify troop withdrawals, document abuses, and preserve evidence for future prosecutions.
On the ground, the immediate priority must be to protect civilians. The UN peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO) and Congolese forces must secure civilian centres, displacement camps, and religious sites. Establishing safe humanitarian corridors and increasing funding for essential services is imperative. Finally, there must be accountability and justice for the atrocities committed. The recent Komanda church massacre and all M23-related abuses must be investigated by impartial bodies with international backing. The victims and their families deserve access to justice, reparations, and psychosocial support in line with international legal standards.